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Possibile Effects of the AUKUS Trilateral Pact on European Security and Defence Cooperation

On the 15th of September, the heads of state of the US, UK, and Australia announced the inauguration of a new trilateral naval defence pact covering the Indo-Pacific region. This pact, known as Aukus, involves cooperation in a number of fields. The US and UK will share military and cyber intelligence and quantum technology with Australia, and they will also assist in its pursuit of cruise missiles and greater AI capabilities. More crucially, however, the pact will involve the two NATO members sharing technology, consultation, manpower, and resources for Australia to build a fleet of nuclear-powered submarines.

The chief goal of this is to enhance security cooperation in light of the rise of China and its activities in that region and to “maintain a technological edge over future adversaries” through “integrated collective action”. This pact can have a number of important implications for the future of Europe’s security and defence, including either the rise of a more consolidated ‘European’ approach, a return to greater US American involvement, or the adoption of varying policies by individual states. On the whole, however, the pact presents a solid opportunity for European governments and militaries to enhance security and defence cooperation in the future.
 

It can be argued that the pact represents a further step in Washington’s cutback of its involvement in European security and defence affairs. This policy was begun in earnest under the Trump administration with its emphasis on ‘America First’ and reduced commitment to NATO; however, signs of a broader shift towards the Indo-Pacific region as opposed to Europe could also be observed during the Obama administration.  As such, Aukus could arguably be a continuation of this policy. Despite its involvement of the UK, its current form bypasses the rest of Europe, and its area of operation remains firmly in the Indo-Pacific. The fact that France, despite having a pre-existing submarine agreement with Australia that was cancelled in favour of Aukus – without Paris being informed until shortly before the announcement – might be a further indication of this.

Suppose the pact does represent a growing US American distance from European security affairs. In that case, this could potentially lead to greater cooperation and coordination between states and armies within the continent in pursuit of common interests. From 2016 onwards, partly in response to the quasi-isolationist foreign policy of the Trump administration, the EU developed a number of initiatives to enhance common security and defence policy. For example, the Coordinated Annual Review on Defence (CARD) and Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) were approved in 2017 and allowed EU defence ministries across the bloc to cooperate, consult, and inform one another, thus allowing for synchronisation of policies and practices. The European Defence Fund was also set up in April with a €7.9bn budget to be allocated for the enhancement of combined defence efforts and projects. The EU’s “strategic compass” is set to be unveiled in early 2022 “to give… EU security policy a sense of purpose and direction”; it is possible that Aukus might impact this even more in favour of greater “strategic autonomy”. The trend is likely to continue if the US continues to reduce its involvement. Since September, there have already been indications of this effect. EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell has said that Aukus was “a wake-up call for Europe” and that it was now necessary to “take the initiative”. This echoed Jean-Claude Juncker’s call in the wake of Trump’s election that “if Europe does not take care of its security, nobody else will do it for now”. France has also renewed calls for a greater “strategic autonomy” of geopolitical and military strategy.

However, it is also possible that Aukus might lead to a greater synchronisation of European and US American security and defence goals in the long run. The shift in the US’s defence policy’s focus towards the Indo-Pacific and reacting to China’s growing military involvement in that region might spur European governments and military bodies to follow a similar course. The EU’s Indo-Pacific strategy, which was announced on the same week as Aukus, already displays a similar outlook to that of US policy. Aukus can become a lesson in security and defence cooperation, as its ‘message’ could be perceived, such as France’s initial submarine agreement with Australia as not going far enough, or only having failed due to it being unilateral rather than involving a number of EU members. It might also lead to a perception that European states should have a more unified policy on China, which is increasingly central to US American strategists and policy-makers. So far, the view in the US has been that the EU as a whole – its recently published Indo-Pacific strategy notwithstanding – does not necessarily hold the same views on how to approach China’s geopolitical activities in the Indo-Pacific; this might be part of the reason behind EU states not being involved in Aukus and similar initiatives. As a result, Aukus might lead to Europe taking a stronger and more united stance vis-a-vis Beijing, which could, in turn, bring it closer to the US once more. It is likely that, if Europe as a whole acquires greater military capability and coordination, it would be viewed by Washington as more pivotal in the strategic and defence sense, which would be likely to yield a renewed push for deeper partnership.

Moreover, likely, the US has not simply turned away from European defence; the fact that the UK is involved in Aukus shows the enduring significance within US defence strategy of Europe as a
continent. The fact that steps have already been taken to resolve any tension over Aukus, such as a phone call between Presidents Biden and Macron and the return of the French ambassador to Washington at the end of September, shows that it is unlikely for there to be any major rifts between the US and any European state in the future. It is quite plausible that more states, including France and other EU members, might join the pact in the future; the US is also fairly likely to involve them in future initiatives of a similar nature.
 

Still, in the unlikely event that Aukus leads to European defence and security being classified as less pivotal to US American interests, in the long run, there is a chance that European states might end up pursuing individual policies in contradiction to the trend of the past few decades. In a New Europe article, Lahodynski speculates that given France’s historical precedent of seeking a security and defence policy independent of the US or NATO – as seen in its “withdr[awal] from NATO’s integrated command” and cordial relations with Russia – could contribute to its guiding defence and security principles in the future. In such a scenario, it is plausible that other European states would not necessarily follow France’s approach; many might prefer to remain as close as possible to the US, especially some of the Baltic states that have traditionally relied on NATO for their defence and the UK, which is already involved in Aukus. Therefore, there might be a risk of European security and defence policy becoming more divided and less collective due to the pact. Nevertheless, the likelihood of such a scenario seems slim. Decades of progress towards a more united and collective policy on defence and security appear highly unlikely to simply collapse as a result of the reduced involvement of an external power.

Overall, the Aukus Pact is a considerably significant milestone in the future of European security and defence policy. It presents an opportunity for the continents’ states and militaries to engage in deeper cooperation and enhance their capabilities. This is possible whether the US’ focus shifts away from Europe – necessitating an autonomous European policy – or whether Aukus leads to renewed cooperation with the US over defence and security, in which case a more coordinated European approach will also be desirable.

 

Written by Cyrus Nabili

 

Bibliography

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