Slovak Air Defence: Critical Point and Modernisation Efforts

The past decade’s conflicts, including those in Europe and the Middle East, have fundamentally underscored the necessity of capable air and ground-based air defence. The outbreak of Russian aggression against Ukraine in February 2022 shook the European security architecture. As a result, several European countries have decided to strengthen their capabilities and overall deterrence significantly. One of the main areas of effective deterrence is a functioning air defence force, which serves as a vital pillar for the defence of states. Additionally, beyond security reasons, air defence plays a crucial role in each country’s expression of sovereignty and independence, providing a form of ontological security for its citizens. However, like most post-Soviet countries, the legacy of flawed and ineffective defence planning remains at the heart of some Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries (Young, 2023). A prime example is Slovakia’s current air defence capabilities, which are nearing a critical low point. Temporarily bolstered by the assistance of the Allies, Slovakia is slowly progressing towards a new era of modern air defence capabilities. However, without concrete and immediate action, Slovakia’s airspace will remain dependent on NATO’s support (Dangwal, 2024) and the collective defence clause under Article 5. Considering the “crisis” in Slovakian air defence, this article provides options for modernisation efforts, reflecting on the industry's current situation and the Slovakian Army's needs. It also outlines why air defence is necessary even for small countries like the Slovak Republic as part of a broader effort to maintain effective conventional capabilities.

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Negotiating Freedom: The Legal Complexities of International Prisoner Exchanges

The prisoner exchange between Russia and the West that occurred at the start of this month on August 1st surprised the international community (The Washington Post, 2024). On top of that, it garnered significant attention for being the largest prisoner exchange between Russia and the West since the Cold War due to its multinational nature and the high profile of the prisoners involved (The Washington Post, 2024). As Russia released twice as many prisoners as the West did, including notable activists and journalists, media outlets have framed the exchange as a diplomatic victory for the West (BBC, 2024). Academia, however, must examine this exchange more critically and address the legal complexities that arise from ‘hostage diplomacy’ and prisoner exchanges, as well as the diplomatic and political implications of such agreements. The lack of international treaties explicitly regulating the exchange of prisoners has led to the topic largely regarded as a political exercise rather than a legal one. Nonetheless, this article proposes several international frameworks that can be applied in such situations. This article briefly analyses the different categories of prisoners involved and which international framework applies accordingly . Finally, the article examines the political implications of these exchanges, particularly their potential to set precedents for future scenarios.

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France, Germany and Poland Propose the Weimar Triangle as a New Centrepiece for EU Defence

On 12 February 2024, Berlin, Paris and Warsaw pitched for the Weimar Triangle as the new centrepiece for the EU’s defence (Alipour & Bourgery-Gonse, 2024), aiming to enhance defence capability. Following these discussions, in April, the German defence minister, Boris Pistorius recommended Poland join the ‘Main Ground Combat System’ (MGCS). By June, Poland indicated its willingness to join the Franco-German projects: the ‘Future Combat Air System’ (FCAS) and MGCS projects (Alipour, 2024a). Despite this momentum, defence ministers of Poland and Germany remain silent when journalists ask for more details.In June, France also deepened its military ties with Germany and Poland (Kayali, 2024), indicating growing momentum for defence collaboration within the Weimar Triangle. By aligning national defence priorities, France, Germany, and Poland could play a more substantial role in defence and transform, at some point, the Weimar Triangle into a defence alliance. Historically, the Weimar Triangle has made outstanding achievements. However, cooperation has not been inconsistent during the last decades, with partners experiencing challenges of trust and misalignment. The evolving international landscape, characterised by the intensification of conflict in Ukraine since 2022 and the upcoming United States (US) election, has prompted new developments and investments in European defence cooperation.

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Democracy in Question: Georgia’s Foreign Agents Law

The adoption of the “foreign agents” law in Georgia has become a critical issue, reflecting broader struggles over democratic governance, the autonomy of civil society and geopolitical direction in the post-Soviet region. Georgia is a parliamentary unitary republic in which the President, the Government, the Parliament, and the judiciary share powers reserved to the national government. In March 2023, two parallel bills have been submitted to the Parliament, namely “Transparency of Foreign Influence’’ and “Registration of Foreign Agents”. These two bills were withdrawn from the Georgian Parliament following protests in response to the legislative process. On 3 April 2024, the leader of the ruling Georgian Dream party, Mamuka Mdinaradze, announced the reintroduction of the Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence to the Parliament. The law requires non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and media companies that receive more than 20% of their funding from foreign sources to register as “organisations serving the interests of a foreign power”. Founded in 2012 by billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili, the Georgian Dream Party, was formed as an alternative to the Georgian National Movement. Georgian Dream quickly gained widespread support and won the parliamentary elections that year, representing a major shift in the country’s political landscape.

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Navigating Uncharted Waters: Russia’s Potential Exit from the Convention on the Law of the Sea

In the light of Russia’s recent comments regarding their possible withdrawal from the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), the international community must re-think the integrity of the current maritime order, assess the present challenges and examine different perspectives for the governance of the seas. Following decades of negotiations, in 1982, the United Nations adopted UNCLOS, the Convention that sets the modern standards and encapsulates the principles of international maritime law. As one of the most widely ratified international treaties, UNCLOS has enjoyed decades of being unchallenged, yet the current unsteady political landscape — with big countries such as China and Russia claiming to be unsatisfied with the Convention — puts UNCLOS in a precarious position regarding compliance and observance of international maritime norms. After a brief overview of the Convention and the evolution of Russia as a member of UNCLOS, the paper will analyse the relevant legal framework of the Law of Sea, focusing on Russia’s bid for the Arctic and its process with the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (CLCS). Finally, the paper will examine Russia’s latest threat to withdraw from the Convention, addressing legal and geopolitical implications, including how rather than following a different ‘maritime strategy’, these threats might reflect a strategic narrative aimed at promoting a multipolar world order.

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