On the 15th of September, the heads of state of the US, UK, and Australia announced the inauguration of a new trilateral naval defence pact covering the Indo-Pacific region. This pact, known as Aukus, involves cooperation in a number of fields. The US and UK will share military and cyber intelligence and quantum technology with Australia, and they will also assist in its pursuit of cruise missiles and greater AI capabilities. More crucially, however, the pact will involve the two NATO members sharing technology, consultation, manpower, and resources for Australia to build a fleet of nuclear-powered submarines.
It can be argued that the pact represents a further step in Washington’s cutback of its involvement in European security and defence affairs. This policy was begun in earnest under the Trump administration with its emphasis on ‘America First’ and reduced commitment to NATO; however, signs of a broader shift towards the Indo-Pacific region as opposed to Europe could also be observed during the Obama administration. As such, Aukus could arguably be a continuation of this policy. Despite its involvement of the UK, its current form bypasses the rest of Europe, and its area of operation remains firmly in the Indo-Pacific. The fact that France, despite having a pre-existing submarine agreement with Australia that was cancelled in favour of Aukus – without Paris being informed until shortly before the announcement – might be a further indication of this.
Suppose the pact does represent a growing US American distance from European security affairs. In that case, this could potentially lead to greater cooperation and coordination between states and armies within the continent in pursuit of common interests. From 2016 onwards, partly in response to the quasi-isolationist foreign policy of the Trump administration, the EU developed a number of initiatives to enhance common security and defence policy. For example, the Coordinated Annual Review on Defence (CARD) and Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) were approved in 2017 and allowed EU defence ministries across the bloc to cooperate, consult, and inform one another, thus allowing for synchronisation of policies and practices. The European Defence Fund was also set up in April with a €7.9bn budget to be allocated for the enhancement of combined defence efforts and projects. The EU’s “strategic compass” is set to be unveiled in early 2022 “to give… EU security policy a sense of purpose and direction”; it is possible that Aukus might impact this even more in favour of greater “strategic autonomy”. The trend is likely to continue if the US continues to reduce its involvement. Since September, there have already been indications of this effect. EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell has said that Aukus was “a wake-up call for Europe” and that it was now necessary to “take the initiative”. This echoed Jean-Claude Juncker’s call in the wake of Trump’s election that “if Europe does not take care of its security, nobody else will do it for now”. France has also renewed calls for a greater “strategic autonomy” of geopolitical and military strategy.
Still, in the unlikely event that Aukus leads to European defence and security being classified as less pivotal to US American interests, in the long run, there is a chance that European states might end up pursuing individual policies in contradiction to the trend of the past few decades. In a New Europe article, Lahodynski speculates that given France’s historical precedent of seeking a security and defence policy independent of the US or NATO – as seen in its “withdr[awal] from NATO’s integrated command” and cordial relations with Russia – could contribute to its guiding defence and security principles in the future. In such a scenario, it is plausible that other European states would not necessarily follow France’s approach; many might prefer to remain as close as possible to the US, especially some of the Baltic states that have traditionally relied on NATO for their defence and the UK, which is already involved in Aukus. Therefore, there might be a risk of European security and defence policy becoming more divided and less collective due to the pact. Nevertheless, the likelihood of such a scenario seems slim. Decades of progress towards a more united and collective policy on defence and security appear highly unlikely to simply collapse as a result of the reduced involvement of an external power.
Overall, the Aukus Pact is a considerably significant milestone in the future of European security and defence policy. It presents an opportunity for the continents’ states and militaries to engage in deeper cooperation and enhance their capabilities. This is possible whether the US’ focus shifts away from Europe – necessitating an autonomous European policy – or whether Aukus leads to renewed cooperation with the US over defence and security, in which case a more coordinated European approach will also be desirable.
Written by Cyrus Nabili
Bibliography
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