Political Instability

From its colonial history and economic conditions to the Duvalier dictatorship that lasted 30 years, it is difficult to trace back the roots of the Haitian crisis. However, since 2004, gangs have increasingly become significant players in Haitian politics, and following the 2010 earthquake, these criminal groups have taken the state’s place in many areas of the country (Niño & González, 2022). Today, they control 80% of the capital, Port-au-Prince (Astier & Avagnina, 2024), and force national authorities to cohabit. The situation has further escalated with the assassination of Haitian President Jovenel Moïse on the morning of July 7 2021. The UN estimates that 150 to 200 armed groups now fight for control across Haiti, 23 only in the capital’s metropolitan area, divided into two large coalitions that have started cooperating in joint attacks on strategic areas and crucial infrastructures (UN, 2024a). After the assassination, Prime Minister Ariel Henry postponed the elections, which have not been held in the country since 2016. He led the country ad interim until he had to resign at the beginning of the year due to violence and coordinated attacks from the gangs, which prevented him from re-entering the country from abroad (Grant et al., 2024). In this context, the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH) was extended to July 15, 2025, to support “a Haitian-led, Haitian-owned political process towards the holding of free and fair legislative and presidential elections” (Lederer, 2024).

Gang violence

The consequences of gang violence are particularly profound in healthcare institutions but reach every ambit of life in the country. Hospitals such as the State University Hospital of Haiti have become targets (Medeus et al., 2024). Violence also prevents people from reaching the few hospital facilities still normally operating, which are only 20% in the capital. The situation is particularly dire for pregnant women (UNFPA, 2024). In many areas, essential services have collapsed, and the main airport in Port-au-Prince was closed for nearly three months due to gang violence and only recently reopened. The Haitian National Police (HNP) finds itself outnumbered and outgunned by criminal’s arsenal, primarily smuggled in from the US (Côté-Paluck, 2024). As of today, Haiti stands as “the country with the largest number of displacements globally due to crime-related violence”, with 578,074 internal displacements in 2024, including over 310,000 women and girls and 180,000 children (UN, 2024b). The numbers of homicides in 2023 have more than doubled from the year before, and the number of kidnappings, sexual violence, and child trafficking has also dramatically increased (Rutenbar, 2024). Additionally, nearly five million people – representing almost half of the population – are subject to severe food insecurity (WFP, 2024).

International Intervention and Support

To restore democratic institutions, break the grip of gangs, and address the humanitarian crisis, the neighbouring states, with the US, Canada and the EU, have been pressuring for a power-sharing agreement (International Crisis Group, 2024). With resolution 2699, the UN Security Council in October 2023 authorised the Kenya-led mission’s deployment to support the Haitian National Police. However, the MSS mission – financed by a trust fund to which interested countries contribute – as of June 10 2024, received just US$21 million from the United States, Canada and France, while the estimation for the cost of the operation was of US$600 million (Global initiative against transnational organized crime, 2024). The EU has decided not to fund the mission and only provide support through “complementary actions” and the allocation of €20 million in humanitarian aid to address the most urgent needs of the population affected by the violence crisis (International Crisis Group, 2024). Furthermore, on top of economic struggles and the violent opposition of gangs, the mission also faced delays and legal challenges when, in January, the Kenyan High Court ruled the order to deploy police officers to Haiti unconstitutional. The reason for this ruling was the lack of a valid “reciprocal arrangement” with the host government, doubting the authority of Prime Minister Harry in the absence of a legitimate government and parliament (Cotrino, 2024). The legal impasse only adds to the mission’s public support challenges and the problematic historical cooperation with the Haitian police.

This operation represents a new type of UN peacekeeping mission since, while the UN is backing the mission, it is not in charge of the operation. This new type of model also has consequences at the legal level because the UN lacks responsibility for how the mission progresses (Krainc, 2024). Furthermore, given the catastrophic situation of the country and the challenges of the mission – thought to only be effective in the short-term to stabilise the country – it is likely that the mission will not be able to address or resolve the root challenges of the Haitian crisis (Rutenbar, 2024). Consequently, to be successful, the mission must have sufficient funds (as stressed in the 9679th UN meeting), recognise its responsibilities, conquer public support, and guarantee self-accountability. Furthermore, the international community must embark on a long-term effort in the country to eradicate gang violence and repristinate the path toward democracy.

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