Croatia to Acquire $390M HIMARS from The US Amid Growing Tensions in the Balkans

The US State Department has approved the sale of eight High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems (HIMARS) and 24 M30A2 Guided Multiple Launch Rocket Systems (GMLRS) to Croatia following the Croatian government’s request, totalling a sale of around $390M (Defense Security Cooperation Agency, 2024). The US Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA) stated that the HIMARS acquisition will help Croatia to increase its deterrence capacity against future threats (Saballa, 2024). Considering its long-range capacity and proven success on the battlefield in Ukraine, HIMARS carry a strategic importance for both Croatia and NATO to securitise the Southern European region, especially after the rising geopolitical tensions between Serbia and the local Kosovar government (International Crisis Group, 2024).

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Slovak Air Defence: Critical Point and Modernisation Efforts

The past decade’s conflicts, including those in Europe and the Middle East, have fundamentally underscored the necessity of capable air and ground-based air defence. The outbreak of Russian aggression against Ukraine in February 2022 shook the European security architecture. As a result, several European countries have decided to strengthen their capabilities and overall deterrence significantly. One of the main areas of effective deterrence is a functioning air defence force, which serves as a vital pillar for the defence of states. Additionally, beyond security reasons, air defence plays a crucial role in each country’s expression of sovereignty and independence, providing a form of ontological security for its citizens. However, like most post-Soviet countries, the legacy of flawed and ineffective defence planning remains at the heart of some Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries (Young, 2023). A prime example is Slovakia’s current air defence capabilities, which are nearing a critical low point. Temporarily bolstered by the assistance of the Allies, Slovakia is slowly progressing towards a new era of modern air defence capabilities. However, without concrete and immediate action, Slovakia’s airspace will remain dependent on NATO’s support (Dangwal, 2024) and the collective defence clause under Article 5. Considering the “crisis” in Slovakian air defence, this article provides options for modernisation efforts, reflecting on the industry's current situation and the Slovakian Army's needs. It also outlines why air defence is necessary even for small countries like the Slovak Republic as part of a broader effort to maintain effective conventional capabilities.

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The Future of European Deterrence: a Three-Pillar Approach for Advancing Capability Development and Interoperability

On 24 February 2022, when Russia started its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Europe experienced an apparent fog-clearing moment. (Besch & Quencez, 2022). For several years, the European Security debate followed a caricatured binary opposition between the US-led transatlantic security and the need for EU autonomy as a geopolitical power, partly motivated by the notion of an imminent US retreat from Europe (Tocci, 2021). Now, while the war (temporarily) restored general confidence in American commitment to European security, it also revealed how dependent European states are on the US for their defence (Puglierin, 2024). As a result, after more than two years of conflict, the subjects of the binary intellectual confrontation have emerged with more defined roles: NATO has reaffirmed its prerogative in conventional deterrence, while the EU has given proof of its crisis management abilities, primarily through financial tools (Weber, 2023). Accepting the transatlantic partnership as the sole and definitive European deterrence strategy is imprudent and short-sighted. The US’ shifting priorities and waning leadership require Europe to decide on a path forward to more strategic responsibility. Among the priorities, an increased commitment to NATO is imperative – especially with a Republican in the White House. At the same time, efforts must be made to reconsider the US national commitment and investments in European deterrence, as well as the role of the EU and its initiatives.

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UN-Backed Kenyan Intervention Begins amidst Haiti’s Escalating Instability

On June 25, 2024, the first wave of 200 Kenyan police officers arrived in Port-au-Prince as a part of a United Nations-backed Multidimensional Security Support (MSS) mission to help combat gang violence and restore stability within a year (Coto & Sanon, 2024). These officers, that were joined by another 200 Kenyan police officers on July 16, (AFP - Agence France Presse, 2024), work in close cooperation with Haitian police to fight gangs and regain control over crucial infrastructure such as airports, hospitals and ports (Cotrino, 2024). Other teams of officers from Chile, Jamaica, Grenada, Paraguay, Burundi, Chad, Nigeria and Mauritius will join the Kenyan and Haitian police effort (Ombati, 2024). This intervention marks the fourth extensive foreign military intervention in the country and provoked mixed reactions since the previous UN mission, MINUSTAH, was tainted by sexual assault allegations and the cholera outbreak that resulted in the death of 10.000 people (Coto & Sanon, 2024).

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The Role of the EU in Arctic Security

Arguably, the Arctic region has always been an area of interest to the world’s countries. Despite its location and harsh arctic climate, the region opens opportunities for exploring new territories, trading routes, rich natural resources, and raw materials. According to the research on Arctic warming, by 2040, the melted ice in some parts of the Arctic will provide a new prospect for commercial shipping, shortening the transit time between Europe, the United States and Asia (Rantanen et al., 2022). Nevertheless, these changes open not only new opportunities for economic development but also threaten the global environment. As a result, the Arctic becomes a playground of conflict of interests of many international actors, creating new challenges to the region’s stability and security. In addition, due to its strategic importance, the region has begun to attract the attention of various actors. Since 2008, the EU has actively shown interest in Arctic issues, trying to strengthen its influence on Arctic affairs and emphasising the importance of its participation in solving the problems of the region to ensure its stability and development. Today’s interests of the EU in the Arctic region include the region’s sustainable development, security concerns, and climate change issues (The EU in the Arctic, 2024).

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