The Withdrawal from Afghanistan: a Renewed Push for the Creation of a Common EU force

On the 15th of September 2021, during the annual State of the Union speech in front of the European Parliament (EP) in Strasbourg, the European Commission (EC) President Ursula von der Leyen commented on the recent events in Afghanistan, which culminated in the toppling of the Presidency of Ashraf Ghani after the conquest of Kabul by the Taliban. The crisis was exacerbated by the end of the Western military missions in the country, Operation Freedom’s Sentinel (the U.S. mission which replaced the previous Operation Enduring Freedom in 2015) and the NATO-led multinational Resolute Support Mission, which had operated in Afghanistan since 2015 as the successor of the International Security Assistance Force.

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The Evolution of the Augmented Soldier 

The history of the augmented soldier dates back to antiquity and the founding of the con- ventional military structure of people groups. These examples persist throughout histori- cal development and contribute towards the comprehension and intersplicing of military doctrine with the training of the rank-and-file soldier. These examples, when analysed, aid in developing a comprehensive overview of the evolutionary integration and development of the contemporary conventional land forces soldier. From ancient Sparta to Rome, aug- mentation of combat-ready troops has been progressively developed, along with equip- ment and biological aids used to further this military mandate aim.

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The Wagner Group in Mali: Another Failed EU Strategy in Sahel?

Mid-September, diplomatic and security sources warn the international community that Mali’s military junta was close to making a deal with the Warner Group, the Russian private military company. Indeed, two months ago, French President Macron announced that the French troops would leave the Sahel and that he would put an end to Operation Barkhane. Some leaders and experts made their voices heard to protest against this strategic decision opening a window of opportunity for Russia to extend its influence in the Sahel region. This calls into question the efficacity and effectiveness of the nearly decade-long French operation and the European involvement in this region. Aware of the limits of its strategy, the EU adopted a new integrated approach towards the Sahel in April 2021, focusing more on good governance and a transactional approach to build ties and trust with the local communities. Suppose there was a strong consensus in the scientific and political communities on building and promoting coherent strategic communication in those states. In that case, the Wagner deal proves that the EU is still not putting the concrete actions needed and asked for into practice. Disinformation, interference and mercenaries are at the heart of the Russian strategy to extend its geopolitical influence in Africa. With this new deal, the EU is approaching a critical juncture in the region again. How the EU reacts will determine if the EU Strategy towards the Sahel is failing again.

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The Military’s Role in Helping Europe Develop an Effective Critical Infrastructure Protection Strategy

As the European Commission’s Vice-President Margaritis Shinas put it in July 2020 when unveiling the European Commission’s new strategy for internal and external security over the next five years, “From protecting our critical infrastructure to fighting cybercrime and countering hybrid threats, we can leave no stone unturned when it comes to our security” (Sánchez Nicolás, 2016). Said new strategy places a particular emphasis on critical infrastructure protection, which plays a crucial role in the realm of the security of the European Union (EU). But what exactly do we mean by ‘critical infrastructure’? Why do we need to develop an effective critical infrastructure protection strategy? And how can defence planners help achieve what European policymakers have not managed so far?

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The EU in Kosovo*: Consolidating European Military and Defence Identity

For decades, the European security policy has been an open question, as its highly political relevance never conceded a fully supranational approach that would enable comprehensive interoperability. All security aspects are grounded in an intergovernmental logic dating back to the conception of the ‘second pillar’ established in Maastricht in 1992. The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) remains ‘common’ only in some aspects, leaving wide discretion to a single MS. The same was likely to be the case for the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Being specifically designed as the military component of the CFSP, the CSDP was decisive in offering Europe the opportunity of independently taking charge of its security issues on the military level by enhancing interoperable mechanisms among national forces.

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