The EU as a Security Actor in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Implications of Secessionist Threats from Republika Srpska

Approximately 100,000 people died in the 1992-1995 three-way war between the Orthodox Serbs, the Catholic Croats and Muslim Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina (The Economist, 2019). The Western-brokered Dayton Accords ultimately ended the fighting by dividing the country into two entities: the Serb-dominated Republika Srpska (RS) and the Federation, where Bosniaks and Bosnian Croats share power (The Economist, 2022). The constitution adopted after the war thus implemented territorial separation along ethnic lines (Bojicic-Dzelilovic, 2015, p. 1). There is a risk, however, that these ethnic lines become borders. This Info Flash explores the European Union (EU) as a security actor in the region with regard to recent secessionist threats from Republika Srpska.

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Tackling Corruption in the European Defence Sector: Challenges and Ways Forward

On 9 December 2022, Eva Kaili, Member of the European Parliament (MEP) and then one of the institution’s fourteen Vice Presidents, was arrested in possession of €150,000 in cash (Malingre & Stroobants, 2023). Kaili was subsequently charged with corruption, expelled from the Socialists & Democrats group in the European Parliament and suspended in her role of Vice President (Stamouli, 2022). The charges brought against Kaili were partly the result of a broader investigation into Qatari, Moroccan and Mauritanian influence over European officials in which €1.5m was seized and four individuals were charged with corruption (Matriche et al., 2022). This scandal raised awareness on the issue of corruption and rendered evident that its presence remains a reality. European officials have started to pay increasing attention to the issue since then and are proposing tougher measures to counter corruption. At a time when the European defence industry is booming, it is crucial to be wary of the risks of corruption that this entails.

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Defence Populism: The Fixation on Sovereignty and Its Effects on Security and Interoperability

Right-wing populists are increasingly competing for government participation, occasionally with success. Austria, Finland, Sweden, Hungary, Italy and Poland are just a few examples of European Union (EU) Member States that have seen populist parties as part of the governing coalition in recent years (Destradi et al., 2021, p. 663). While this kind of politics often seems far from military operations and their technical nature, they determine the resources and attention given to them. Populists often find other priorities than multilateral defence cooperation (Ivaldi & Zankina, 2023). This is particularly concerning at a time when European security is under threat. Less military support for Ukraine may, for example, directly affect the security situation in the rest of Europe. This Info Flash will investigate the impact of right-wing populism in EU Member States on defence and security matters, particularly on interoperability. To achieve this, I will first analyse the existing literature on defence populism. After that, these findings will be synthesised, tying them to EU security policies and the interoperability of land forces. At last, concluding remarks shall be made.

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EU Military Mobility: An Obstacle Race To Turn Long-Standing Pledges Into A Defence Policy Flagship

In the unstable world we live in, military mobility becomes a paramount condition for states to maintain domestic, regional and international security. In the European Union’s case, it enables Member States’ armed forces to respond to crises breaking out at the external borders or beyond; bolsters transport infrastructure’s efficiency; avoids delays in cross-border military transits (displacement of personnel, materiel and assets) in and outside the EU territory; and ensures the alignment of efforts with partners like NATO by increasing inter-state policy synergies.

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A Ticket For Russians Inside The EU: The Golden Passports

On 21 March 2023, the European Commission brought an action before the Court of Justice of the EU, claiming that the republic of Malta is in violation of article 20 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union and article 4(3) of the Treaty on European Union and compromises the integrity of EU citizenship. This action is a consequence of the Maltese practices of issuing passports to non-EU citizens for which the government receives financial compensation instead. This lucrative business is made possible by national laws; however, the problem lies in the fact that European citizenship is acquired automatically when acquiring national citizenship and, thus, the holder of the national citizenship has access to the entire EU. Moreover, not only the Maltese government uses this practice, but also the Bulgarian and Cypriot governments offered their passports for the right price, although the latter two officially stopped doing so in 2022 and 2020, respectively. With the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the question must be asked: how desirable it is that access is offered by individual member states to citizens of nations EU member states have sanctions drawn up? Can the EU prevent the issuance of passports and, furthermore, impose a revocation?

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