Europe is experiencing an unprecedented energy crisis since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine started. This is highlighting the challenges that the continent is facing, especially concerning energy. This is one of the reasons why energy security plays a central role in the common security plans of the EU and NATO allies.
On the 20th of July 2022, the European Commission finally approved the plans to invest nearly €100 million for the development of the concept phase of the European Hypersonic Defence Interceptor Programme, also known as the EU HYDEF. As war has regretfully returned to the European continent, this €100 million investment is the largest grant in a €1.2 billion investment round in 61 European collaborative defence research and development projects. The programme has a projected duration of 36 months. According to the EDF’s factsheet on the EU HYDEF, the main aim of the project is to develop an adequate European interceptor which is capable of achieving the highest manoeuvrability and capability to respond to high velocity threats from 2035 onwards.
Since the creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) in 1949, the Nordic countries or Scandinavian countries remained divided on their willingness to join the Alliance. Whereas Norway, Denmark, and Iceland directly joined NATO, Sweden and Finland chose not to. Nevertheless, although NATO’s security provision and mutual military assistance is apparent, it is less evident what Finland and Sweden would provide to the North Atlantic Alliance and how they would strengthen NATO’s strategic position.
On 21 September, Russian Federation’s President Vladimir Putin announced the partial mobilisation of Russian citizens to reinforce Moscow’s military deployment in the Russian war in Ukraine (Ellyatt, 2022). In his speech, Putin remarked that Russia will protect its territorial integrity with ‘all the means at [our] disposal’ (The Washington Post, 2022). The statement struck fear in the West, as the nuclear threat lurks over Europe. With the usage of nuclear weapons being now a tangible risk, questions have been again raised about the legal status of such armaments under current international law.
On 7 September 2022, the Iraqi supreme court ruled that the national parliament could not be dissolved if not by itself. In doing so, it rejected a key demand made by Moqtada al-Sadr, a 48-years-old Shiite cleric followed by millions all around the country, who had vehemently asked for early elections. Currently, he leads the largest political group inside the Iraqi parliament, controlling as many as 73 of the chamber’s 329 seats. The top court’s decision followed a period of turmoil and social unrest that had started in late August, when al-Sadr publicly announced that he was seriously considering withdrawing from politics. Since then, its supporters have engaged in numerous armed clashes with both security forces and rival militias, throwing the entire country into disarray. How can it be that Iraq’s main political force advocates for a return to the polls, instead of taking part in the nation’s government? The reason should be sought in the fierce rivalry that opposes different Iraqis Shiite parties and which is becoming increasingly violent.
Quartier Reine Elisabeth
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