The Modernisation of the Estonian Armed Forces – A New Approach to Baltic Security

The full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 sparked a renewed concern for Baltic security. Given the hard-earned independence process of Baltic countries, Russia’s aggression and hostile rhetoric push Baltic countries to boost their defensive capabilities. Until 2022 (or the Annexation of Crimea in 2014), Baltic states have relied heavily upon ally stationing and hosting NATO troops in joint operations. However, with the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the defence strategy of these countries quickly shifted towards increasing their offensive measures and modernising the current inventory. While Baltic countries have always cooperated in many fields since their independence (Vaiksnoras, 2002), military spending requires national-level importance and adaptation. Between Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia, the case of Estonia carries specific attention, as it is the smallest nation (population approx. 1.3 million) and has the highest GDP per capita. The economic advantage also pushes the Estonian Government to test different approaches to the concept of military strategy and be able to deliver better technological advancement to its units.  Estonia’s approach to security presents an interesting case for the Baltic security framework. Unlike traditional firepower or manpower superiority, Estonia relies on a civil-military orientation strategy in which the concept of security expands in different domains (Karabeshkin, 2007). Like the Finnish model, Estonia applies mandatory military service to every male citizen after the age of 18, which enables the mobilisation of the nation as a reserve in case of war, even after military service is finished (Besch & Westgaard, 2024). The Estonian conscription system is also made-up of a part-time volunteer body, which is composed of citizens wishing to stay in the military after their service, and receiving military training for war or crisis management cases. Women can also be a part of the volunteer service under Naiskodukaitse (Women`s voluntary defence organization), taking different roles (Kaitseliit, n.d.) However, the country’s successful branding as an internet-intelligent nation also allows for the local development of technological domains in the defence sector, such as cybersecurity, AI or robotics  (Jermalavičius & Hurt, 2021). The recent success of first-person view (herein FPV) drones, integration of cyber defence command chain and volunteer units with technological know-how are all part of this new “modernisation” process that this paper will discuss.

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Finabel’s Space Handbook

With the publication of this Food For Thought (FFT), Finabel explores various strands of the strategic domain of space in the European context, involving analyses ranging from explorations of the sector’s legal dimensions to a further dive into the lessons learned from the Russo-Ukrainian War in the realm of space. The first paper tackles the issue of fragmentation in the EU’s space landscape, highlighting the limitations of governing the domain across numerous different organisations. The second evaluates the establishment of the EU’s Infrastructure for Resilience, Interconnectivity and Security by Satellite (IRIS²), while the third and fourth delve into European endeavours to bolster future capabilities in space and the upper atmosphere and the European Space Agency’s Ariane 6 Rocket, respectively. Moreover, it is here, in the fifth paper, where the space lessons of the Russo-Ukrainian War are considered. Finally, as previously touched upon, this FFT’s second section explores the legal dimensions of space in the realm of defence and security, including an examination of international space law, an exploration of anti-satellite weapons, and the future creation of EU space regulation.

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Danish F-16s: Ukraine or Argentina?

In mid-2023, Denmark, the Netherlands and Norway pledged to train Ukrainian pilots and donate several F-16s to help Ukraine defend itself against the ongoing Russian invasion (Breaking Defence, 2023; Dubois, 2023). More recently, the US Congress approved the transfer of 24 Royal Danish Air Force F-16s to Argentina after White House pressure, in a deal reportedly worth $338 million (Segovia, 2023). However, while this development contradicts the recent Western pledge to support Ukraine, by apparently deviating to another country the Danish planes publicly earmarked for Kyiv, it will be argued that they do not conflict because of equal geopolitical priorities and, thus, can mutually complement.

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The Ariane 6 Rocket: Europe’s Civilian and Military Sovereignty in Space at Stake. Private Competition and Reusability in the Future of European Space Policy 

Ariane 6 is set to be the next flagship launch vehicle of the European Space Agency (ESA). On 30 November 2023, after years of delays and unfortunate circumstances, ESA Director General Josef Aschbacher finally announced that the rocket’s first flight will take place in the summer of 2024 (Foust, 2023d). [VI1] Ariane 6 is designed to carry into orbit payloads commissioned by private contractors, national governments, ESA member states and the European Union Space Programme (EUSPA). It aims to replace the recently retired Ariane 5 rocket, which was entrusted with the delivery of Europe’s heaviest and most advanced payloads during its 117-flights-long career from 1996 to 2023  (ESA, n.d. - a).

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Legal Dimensions of the Militarization of Space: An Examination of International Space Law 

Space law is a complex system governing outer space activities which comprises international treaties, conventions, United Nations General Assembly resolutions, as well as rules and regulations of international organisations. This paper will lay the international legal framework of space law, examining key documents like the Outer Space Treaty (OST) of 1967. Beyond this legal framework, the paper explores the militarisation of outer space, scrutinizing the intersection between space law and the evolving military activities taking place in outer space.

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