The involvement of women in the army con- stitutes a thorny issue in several countries where women are found in the margin com- pared to male combatants and there are sever- al nuances to the topic which will endeavour to highlight. In the same context, this paper will attempt to delineate the current situa- tion as well as explore the current initiatives taken in order to ameliorate the issues. Fur- thermore, it is essential to underline any gaps which account for an obstacle in the develop- ment of this situations. Firstly, we will reflect on the current state of art whilst we will introduce a theoretical framework to contextualise how the literature approaches the bipartition “women combatants or women civilians”. In order to have a more complete image of the situation, it is essential to utilize and compare statistical data. These data not only reflect the current circumstances but also identify what has already been done while underlying any existing gaps. The data used here can be found in the 2019 NATO The Annual Summary of the National Reports where all NATO mem- ber states submitted their national data. Fur- thermore, such National Reports are of signif- icant importance due to their comprehensive analysis of the situation for both women and men in the armed forces. Lastly, we will discuss the gaps as well as the opportunities aiming to integrate women thoroughly in the army.
This paper will shed light on the historical evolution of the conceptualization of a European Army, and will then analyse institutions and policies in place, as well as ways in which NATO and the EU can cooperate in the defence sector. Finally, the obstacles to the creation of a European Army are assessed against the backdrop of the current Russian war with Ukraine and the recent adoption of the EU Strategic Compass.
Mobile Ad Hoc Networks, also known as MANETs, are self-configuring networks of wireless devices whose applicability ranges from civilian and commercial uses to highly tactical military strategies. The variety of MANETs characteristics and typologies, together with their significant usage adaptability, make these technologies particularly advantageous when deployed in critical contexts.
Written by Domenico Farinelli In the early morning of 30th September 2022, heavy gunfire and explosions were heard in several parts of Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso’s capital. Masked men blocked the main streets…
On 7 September 2022, the Iraqi supreme court ruled that the national parliament could not be dissolved if not by itself. In doing so, it rejected a key demand made by Moqtada al-Sadr, a 48-years-old Shiite cleric followed by millions all around the country, who had vehemently asked for early elections. Currently, he leads the largest political group inside the Iraqi parliament, controlling as many as 73 of the chamber’s 329 seats. The top court’s decision followed a period of turmoil and social unrest that had started in late August, when al-Sadr publicly announced that he was seriously considering withdrawing from politics. Since then, its supporters have engaged in numerous armed clashes with both security forces and rival militias, throwing the entire country into disarray. How can it be that Iraq’s main political force advocates for a return to the polls, instead of taking part in the nation’s government? The reason should be sought in the fierce rivalry that opposes different Iraqis Shiite parties and which is becoming increasingly violent.