Episode 2: Does Diplomacy Still Have a Chance in Ukraine?
Between the 15th and the 16th of June 2024, delegations from nearly 100 countries gathered in Bürgenstock Resort in Switzerland to discuss a path to peace in Ukraine. While Russia…
Between the 15th and the 16th of June 2024, delegations from nearly 100 countries gathered in Bürgenstock Resort in Switzerland to discuss a path to peace in Ukraine. While Russia…
Defence policy, together with foreign and security policy, is one of the areas where states have historically been reluctant to surrender their competences to an inter/supranational entity. As a result, no significant progress was made during the first years of the European Union’s existence, with the fields being categorised as intergovernmental in nature by the 1992 Maastricht Treaty so as to leave countries free to consult themselves without the obligation to coordinate efforts at the EU institutional level and harmonise legislation on the matter. It was not until the Treaty of Lisbon in 2007 (entered into force in 2009) that the EU’s founding documents set up a fully-fledged Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). They did so through the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) pillar in charge of crisis management, inter-state coordination and cooperation in defence matters (Council of the EU, n.d.-a).
On 26 June, 2023, EU ministers adopted a decision to raise the financial ceiling of the European Peace Facility (EPF) by an additional €3.5 billion. This is the second top-up in only six months, with the first one (worth €2 billion) being agreed upon on 12 December, 2022 (Council of the EU, 2022) and operationalised on 13 March this year. As commented upon by the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Josep Borrell, this step provides the Union with the necessary funding to remain steadfast in “delivering concrete military support to our partners’ armed forces” (Council of the EU, 2023).
The Mediterranean region and the European continent are inextricably linked from a geographical, historical, and strategic point of view. For this simple reason, it is impossible for the countries that lie on the two shores of this almost-closed sea to ignore each other for a long time. Consequently, international cooperation between them has always been intense, being reinforced by strong cultural and economic ties. Nevertheless, due to the high degree of instability that traditionally affects this area, the EU’s foreign policy towards many of its southern neighbours has usually been dominated by the theme of the security–development nexus. Lebanon is no exception. Having its modern history characterized by recurring social unrest, economic crises and civil wars, this small country has often drawn the attention of European policymakers. In 2019 the nation that was once called “the Switzerland of Middle East” has fallen again into a severe political paralysis and started to experience a deep economic downturn, which undermines inter alia the normal implementation of cooperation programmes with the EU (World Bank, 2021) The general election held in May 2022 was intended to put an end to this situation, but it didn’t. For as long as the crisis perseveres, risk Lebanon risks falling into another devastating civil war is becoming feasible. Therefore, stronger European engagement to maintain the country’s stability seems to be a matter of necessity, and it could be one of the last opportunities to save Lebanon from sinking.