Politics of Aid During the War on Ukraine

It is becoming difficult to analyse the 2022 conflict in Ukraine without also evaluating the political debate in Washington, D.C. This debate is becoming particularly relevant among 'America First' supporters who question the continued financial and military aid provided by the United States. Despite initial bipartisan support for aid packages, dissent has been growing, with critics arguing for fiscal caution rather than continued support. This paper outlines the aims of the ‘America First’ foreign policy. The primary aim of ‘America First’ politicians is that US allies contribute their fair share to collective deterrence in NATO and internationally. This paper highlights that since 2022, many European allies have contributed more than their fair share of defence spending. ‘America First’ poli￾ticians also demand that the foreign policy focus on cost-effectiveness. Understanding the specifics of this term is critical to measuring the success of the US aid program to Ukraine.

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The EU Barbed-Wire External Perimeter

In May 2021, an increasing number of people started to sporadically cross the European borders from Belarus. These migratory flows, artificially created by state-sponsored actions from President Alexander Lukashenko, mainly affected three European bordering countries: Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland. This specific case exemplifies the heavily debated instrumentalisation of migration, or, as specified by the European Commission, the series of events in which “a third country instigates irregular migratory flows into the Union by actively encouraging or facilitating the movement of third-country nationals to the external borders”. It can be easily understood that these actions are perpetrated with the objective of destabilising and asserting pressure on the Member States and the European Union (EU) at large, with the final intention of undermining vital State functions, such as territorial integrity and national security in primis. In the short term, Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland have reacted to the growing number of undocumented individuals through stricter border controls, whilst in the long run, the instrumentalisation of migration has translated into a proper humanitarian crisis that has shaken the Union. Whilst the latter had already sanctioned key political and economic figures of the Belarusian regime after the fraudulent presidential victory of 2020, EU countries bordering Belarus have proceeded in different ways, at times even acting against the EU acquis and international law.

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European Peace Facility

Defence policy, together with foreign and security policy, is one of the areas where states have historically been reluctant to surrender their competences to an inter/supranational entity. As a result, no significant progress was made during the first years of the European Union’s existence, with the fields being categorised as intergovernmental in nature by the 1992 Maastricht Treaty so as to leave countries free to consult themselves without the obligation to coordinate efforts at the EU institutional level and harmonise legislation on the matter. It was not until the Treaty of Lisbon in 2007 (entered into force in 2009) that the EU’s founding documents set up a fully-fledged Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). They did so through the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) pillar in charge of crisis management, inter-state coordination and cooperation in defence matters (Council of the EU, n.d.-a).

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Danish F-16s: Ukraine or Argentina?

In mid-2023, Denmark, the Netherlands and Norway pledged to train Ukrainian pilots and donate several F-16s to help Ukraine defend itself against the ongoing Russian invasion (Breaking Defence, 2023; Dubois, 2023). More recently, the US Congress approved the transfer of 24 Royal Danish Air Force F-16s to Argentina after White House pressure, in a deal reportedly worth $338 million (Segovia, 2023). However, while this development contradicts the recent Western pledge to support Ukraine, by apparently deviating to another country the Danish planes publicly earmarked for Kyiv, it will be argued that they do not conflict because of equal geopolitical priorities and, thus, can mutually complement.

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The 2023 Capability Development Priorities

On November 14, the 27 EU Ministers of Defence approved the 2023 EU Capability Development Priorities (EDA, 2023). This constitutes the fourth revision of the Capability Development Plan (CDP). Earlier versions were drafted in 2008, 2014 and 2018 (Defence Talk, 2008; EDA, 2014, 2018). The CDP is a tool to periodically assess Member States’ military capabilities and inform them on priorities and opportunities for cooperation in capability development (EDA, n.d.).

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