SpaceX Involvement in Military Operations and EU Space Policy

The space sector in the EU has long been geared toward civilian, scientific, and commercial use. Accordingly, private companies and scientific associations have played a substantial role in space technology innovation (Kriege & Russo, 2000, p.34). However, space is becoming increasingly securitised and militarised, and armed forces are investing more consistently in space assets (Calcagno et al., 2022). Moreover, space technology’s dual-use and slow-to-develop nature leads to a tendency to adapt existing space products and assets to military use and the direct involvement of private and non-defence space companies in military operations. SpaceX, in particular, has become central to several states’ militaries through Starlink, a large-scale low-orbit satellite internet and communication service (Rousselle, 2024). After seeing widespread Ukrainian civilian and military use of Starlink, SpaceX services have been considered by several governments and regional organisations. The EU itself has recently turned to SpaceX to launch four of its Galileo satellites. However, planned and ongoing American military use of SpaceX technologies and assets raises questions over how appropriate EU reliance on SpaceX for rocketry and connectivity would be. First, the agreement with SpaceX undermines the EU’s strategic autonomy, as it delegates fundamental launching services to a private company outside EU jurisdiction. Secondly, it increases dependence on the US both because it is the country that has jurisdiction over SpaceX, and because the launching operations take place from American soil. Thirdly, relying on SpaceX and on the US undermines the autonomist intent of the EU Space Programme, especially of the Galileo project which was meant to become a European alternative to the American navigation system. Fourthly, increasing SpaceX's involvement in US military operations entails broader implications for European defence by increasing the risk of an orbital arms race.

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From Optimism to Pragmatism: the changing landscape of peace operations and the EU response

In recent days, articles have started to circulate regarding the end of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM). It has been reported that the Somali Minister of Foreign Affairs Aimed Moa Fiji has formally requested the United Nations (UN) to end the mission in a letter to the Security Council and to the Secretary-General Antonio Guterres (Ross & Paravicini 2024; Africanews 2024). This event would reflect a broader trend of growing scepticism and distrust towards peacekeeping missions, as well as a shift towards “pragmatic peacekeeping”, characterized by smaller mandates focused on counterterrorism and counterinsurgency and by the prioritization of conflict containment(Karlsrud, 2023). Other examples of this tendency are the conclusion of the peacekeeping mission in Congo (MONUSCO) in 2024 and the expulsion of peacekeepers from Mali (MINUSMA) in December 2023.

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In the West but Unlike the Rest: The Bulgarian Defence’s Difficult Path Toward Interoperability

As part of NATO's Eastern flank, Bulgaria’s defence capabilities are crucial to European security. While Sofia has embarked on crucial reforms since the fall of the Communist bloc in 1991, its Armed Forces are still far from being at the same level as its NATO allies. Nevertheless, Bulgaria is boldly enhancing its military power. Initiatives such as its accession to FINABEL show the political commitment to share defence and interoperability.

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Legal Implications of a Ukrainian Defeat on European Defence

This paper examines the potential strategic and legal consequences for the European Union’s defence cooperation following a hypothetical defeat of Ukraine. With the EU deeply involved in supporting Ukraine against Russian aggression, the implications of a possible defeat go beyond immediate military losses and encompasses broader ramifications for the EU and NATO, especially in their military defence, cooperation, and credibility. This paper focuses on how defeat could affect European military strategy, its legal position on defence commitments and the Union’s overall political cohesion.

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Jus ad bellum: Protecting Sovereignty and Diplomatic Immunity in the Israel-Iran conflict

In the complex landscape of international relations, the right to self-defence is fundamental in shaping state action when faced with aggression. This right is set within the framework of international law through the United Nations (UN) Charter in article 51 (UN Charter, 1945), which delineates the limits to how states can respond to threats to their sovereignty and security. Recent events, such as the Iran-Israeli conflict, have reopened discussions on the application and interpretation of the right of self-defence. As tensions escalate and geopolitical dynamics evolve, it is essential to take a closer look at the legal foundation of states’ notion of self-defence and its relevance in contemporary conflicts. This article examines the nature of self-defence in international law and explores its core elements through an analysis of the recent retaliatory spiral that started with Israel’s strike on Iran’s embassy in Syria.

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