Slovak Air Defence: Critical Point and Modernisation Efforts

The past decade’s conflicts, including those in Europe and the Middle East, have fundamentally underscored the necessity of capable air and ground-based air defence. The outbreak of Russian aggression against Ukraine in February 2022 shook the European security architecture. As a result, several European countries have decided to strengthen their capabilities and overall deterrence significantly. One of the main areas of effective deterrence is a functioning air defence force, which serves as a vital pillar for the defence of states. Additionally, beyond security reasons, air defence plays a crucial role in each country’s expression of sovereignty and independence, providing a form of ontological security for its citizens. However, like most post-Soviet countries, the legacy of flawed and ineffective defence planning remains at the heart of some Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries (Young, 2023). A prime example is Slovakia’s current air defence capabilities, which are nearing a critical low point. Temporarily bolstered by the assistance of the Allies, Slovakia is slowly progressing towards a new era of modern air defence capabilities. However, without concrete and immediate action, Slovakia’s airspace will remain dependent on NATO’s support (Dangwal, 2024) and the collective defence clause under Article 5. Considering the “crisis” in Slovakian air defence, this article provides options for modernisation efforts, reflecting on the industry's current situation and the Slovakian Army's needs. It also outlines why air defence is necessary even for small countries like the Slovak Republic as part of a broader effort to maintain effective conventional capabilities.

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Negotiating Freedom: The Legal Complexities of International Prisoner Exchanges

The prisoner exchange between Russia and the West that occurred at the start of this month on August 1st surprised the international community (The Washington Post, 2024). On top of that, it garnered significant attention for being the largest prisoner exchange between Russia and the West since the Cold War due to its multinational nature and the high profile of the prisoners involved (The Washington Post, 2024). As Russia released twice as many prisoners as the West did, including notable activists and journalists, media outlets have framed the exchange as a diplomatic victory for the West (BBC, 2024). Academia, however, must examine this exchange more critically and address the legal complexities that arise from ‘hostage diplomacy’ and prisoner exchanges, as well as the diplomatic and political implications of such agreements. The lack of international treaties explicitly regulating the exchange of prisoners has led to the topic largely regarded as a political exercise rather than a legal one. Nonetheless, this article proposes several international frameworks that can be applied in such situations. This article briefly analyses the different categories of prisoners involved and which international framework applies accordingly . Finally, the article examines the political implications of these exchanges, particularly their potential to set precedents for future scenarios.

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Finabel’s Space Handbook

Against the backdrop of the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian War and Europe’s changing security environment, space has become ever more significant in the field of defence and security. Today, the spatial context has moved beyond the binary Soviet-American dynamic of one-upmanship experienced during the Cold War. Greater acknowledgement of the domain’s importance to modern society has led to a renewed look at space within military affairs in recent years, spurring the formal recognition of space as an operational domain by NATO allies in 2019 (Eagleson, 2023). This paper explores various strands of the strategic domain of space in the European context, involving analyses ranging from explorations of the sector’s legal dimensions to a further dive into the lessons learned from the Russo-Ukrainian War in the realm of space.

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Black Sea Security: A New Partnership Between Bulgaria and Romania Constitutes Regional Special Operations Command of NATO

The security of the Black Sea region remains unstable as the war in Ukraine lingers into its third year. In recognition of the increasing need to bolster defence security in the area, NATO and its member states have intensified their cooperative efforts to strengthen deterrence and protect their interests. As a gateway between Europe, Asia and the Middle East, the region serves as a critical security and defence frontier.  On the sidelines of the recent NATO summit in Washington, D.C., Bulgaria and Romania signed a Memorandum of Understanding to establish a Regional Special Operations Command for the Black Sea (HQ R-SOCC). The new command will integrateRomanian and Bulgarian special forces through a new Command and Control (C2) structure, which will conduct the Alliance’s special missions in the region. This newly created body’s main task is to protect merchant ships and conduct inspections, ultimately supporting the safeguarding of NATO's strategic interests in the area (Ministry of National Defense, 2024). 

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France, Germany and Poland Propose the Weimar Triangle as a New Centrepiece for EU Defence

On 12 February 2024, Berlin, Paris and Warsaw pitched for the Weimar Triangle as the new centrepiece for the EU’s defence (Alipour & Bourgery-Gonse, 2024), aiming to enhance defence capability. Following these discussions, in April, the German defence minister, Boris Pistorius recommended Poland join the ‘Main Ground Combat System’ (MGCS). By June, Poland indicated its willingness to join the Franco-German projects: the ‘Future Combat Air System’ (FCAS) and MGCS projects (Alipour, 2024a). Despite this momentum, defence ministers of Poland and Germany remain silent when journalists ask for more details.In June, France also deepened its military ties with Germany and Poland (Kayali, 2024), indicating growing momentum for defence collaboration within the Weimar Triangle. By aligning national defence priorities, France, Germany, and Poland could play a more substantial role in defence and transform, at some point, the Weimar Triangle into a defence alliance. Historically, the Weimar Triangle has made outstanding achievements. However, cooperation has not been inconsistent during the last decades, with partners experiencing challenges of trust and misalignment. The evolving international landscape, characterised by the intensification of conflict in Ukraine since 2022 and the upcoming United States (US) election, has prompted new developments and investments in European defence cooperation.

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